A Common Dream

「我現在相信，尋常性是我們最珍貴的事物，
人有權繼續過一種有目的感、有自我價值感的生活，一種尋常的生活。」

A Common Dream
Everyone has the right to live a common life with a purpose and self-value
We are here looking for the loss of such a common life

部落衝突致利比亞面臨分裂風險

後卡扎菲時代地方勢力擁兵自重，對中央政府歸屬感淡薄——

繼利比亞東部近期要求自治，南部賽卜哈發生騷亂後，西部地區近期又發生部族間武裝衝突。此間輿論認為，利比亞境內此起彼伏的部落武裝衝突，凸顯了利國內嚴峻的政治和社會問題，後卡扎菲時代的利比亞正面臨著國家分裂的風險。

據“阿拉伯新聞網”4月5日報道，當天在利比亞西部靠近突尼西亞邊境地區的柏柏爾部落與阿拉伯部落的衝突仍在繼續，衝突已造成至少26人死亡，雖然利比亞官方稱政府已經介入，“衝突的引信將被掐滅”，但衝突至今沒有停息的跡象。

部落衝突此起彼伏——

利比亞西部祖瓦拉、朱邁勒和萊格達林地區的柏 柏爾部族和阿拉伯部族的流血衝突已進入第四天。這場衝突的根源是一年前的利比亞戰爭。祖瓦拉地區的居民主要是柏柏爾人，反對卡扎菲的統治，而朱邁勒和萊格 達林地區的阿拉伯部落則支援卡扎菲。不久前，祖瓦拉地區的獵人在打獵時誤將一名朱邁勒的居民擊斃，朱邁勒的部落將這些獵人關押起來並粗暴對待，由此引發了 武裝衝突。據報道，雙方在衝突中使用了反坦克機槍和防空機槍等重武器。衝突引起了聯合國的關注。在當地工作的聯合國援助團的報告指出，自卡扎菲政權2011年10月被推翻以來，利比亞境內多處地區都爆發了不同部族之間的武裝衝突，僅南部地區就已有147人死亡、395人受傷。部落衝突在後卡扎菲時代的利比亞此起彼伏。3月31日，利比亞過渡政府總理凱卜剛剛宣佈，南部城鎮塞卜哈的部落衝突平息，城市已經恢復安寧。

中央政府脆弱無力——

據阿拉伯電視臺5日報道，利比亞“國家過渡委 員會”主席賈利勒當天説，利比亞將使用強大的武力來對付威脅國家安全的人。賈利勒呼籲利比亞人民立即停止衝突，“利比亞人民不能再流血了”。賈利勒還透露，利比亞將於6月19日舉行制憲議會選舉，如果選舉不能按期舉行，他將辭職。利比亞政府發言人馬尼阿進一步表示，政府當前正全力以赴保障選舉按期舉行，但是流血衝突不止無疑會影響到選舉的正常舉行。事實上，自西部衝突爆發以來，利比亞政府使用了強力手段干預，但收效甚微。此間媒體分析認為，利比亞武裝部隊由各地民兵武裝組成，他們只聽從各自的指揮官，無視中央政府的統一調度，這導致其戰鬥力極其低下，也從另一個側面説明利比亞政府“軟弱無力”的現狀。卡扎菲倒臺後，利比亞各地出現了不少擁兵自重的割據武裝。他們要求按照自己在推翻卡扎菲政權中的貢獻獲得相應的政治、經濟利益。目前，要求將利比亞變成聯邦制國家的呼聲不斷高漲，而政府整合統一武裝力量的努力未見成效。

戰後重建進展緩慢——

卡扎菲倒臺後，反卡扎菲派與擁卡扎菲派的衝突也為利比亞帶來新問題。卡扎菲政權被推翻後，那些曾支援卡扎菲的部落遭到了嚴重的歧視與不公正待遇，這些人被排除在現行政治體制之外，並不時遭到武力報復，這成為利比亞新的不穩定因素，嚴重威脅國家的穩定。戰後的利比亞並沒有出現穩定發展的新局面，迎來的卻是部落衝突此起彼伏、地方割據日益嚴重的亂局，利比亞面臨著四分五裂的新風險。

有分析認為，目前的利比亞像是打碎了的馬賽克，不同的地區、部落和利益集團都在強化自己的訴求。歷史上，利比亞就由的黎波裏塔尼亞（西部）、昔蘭尼加（東部）和費讚（南部）三個地區構成，由於幅員遼闊，石油和天然氣富足，加之“倒卡”戰爭致使許多武器散落利比亞各地，所以各地擁兵自重，各成體系，對中央政府的歸屬感淡薄。此前昔蘭尼加要求自治的做法，無疑對盛産天然氣的南部費讚地區形成了誘惑，也對西部地區的柏柏爾人構成示範效應。在安全匱乏、政治失衡、社會無序的背景下，利比亞的戰後重建工作進展緩慢。以石油生産為例，利比亞眼下的石油産量仍徘徊在戰爭期間的水準線上。阿拉伯媒體大多認為，利比亞的重建似乎只有到了6月份選 舉之後才會漸漸步入正軌，現在，利比亞人仍在迷茫中掙扎。（本報開羅、突尼西亞城4月5日電 本報駐埃及記者 黃培昭 張夢旭 本報駐突尼西亞記者 孫 健）

利比亞戰爭一年多以來，西方的干預和扶植並沒有使其進入所謂的“民主化”進程，反而讓分裂、動蕩成為了利比亞的代名詞。每個國家的政治轉型都有其歷史順序，並要經歷漫長的時間考驗。利比亞在現階段還不具備走向民主政體的條件，西方帶來的“早熟的民主”只會破壞利比亞本國的政治進程和政治結構，導致政治生態失衡。西方打著“保護平民”、“防止人道主義災難”和“實現民主政權”的幌子武裝干涉利比亞，而背後的意圖是實現其利益訴求，即爭奪豐富的石油資源，通過“分而治之”的策略更大程度上控制利比亞。從這個意義上看，利比亞的前景並不樂觀。從伊拉克到利比亞，包括如今的敘利亞亂局，無不體現著西方實用主義的唯利是圖。戰爭帶來的後果值得反思，利比亞在“碎片化”風險中不斷加劇的矛盾與衝突使其命運蒙上了陰影。（田文林 中國現代國際關係研究院副研究員）

「一旦獨立，這才只是個開端。」

敘利亞危局該如何破局？

 

329日，在敘總統巴沙爾接受安南調停建議後，敘利亞僵局似乎閃現一線曙光。安南的斡旋讓各大國對立態度有所緩和，但危局出現“安南拐點”，尚面臨諸多棘手難題。

一是，儘管敘利亞政府答應接受建議，但提出條件：希望有關國家“斷供”反對派。而來自北約或者“基地”組織等的經濟援助，或者武器支援，將來可能源源不斷的支援著反對派；二是，數日來忙著搞“統一大會”的敘利亞反對派，實際上依然訴求不一，難以“統一發聲”，又如何與敘政府談判呢？三是，敘反對派獲得國際承認後，兩派間分歧難有妥協空間，安南下一步 的斡旋將更加艱難，該如何讓兩派有所鬆動？

  

聯合國安理會21日發表主席聲明，全力支援聯合國與阿盟敘利亞危機聯合特使安南提出的六點建議。自敘利亞危機爆發以來，這一主席聲明可謂是各大國在聯合國框架內達成的唯一一次共識。不論是西方還是中俄，都對安南的前番努力表示了肯定，並在很大程度上將通過斡旋以避免敘利亞爆發全面內戰乃至地區戰爭的希望寄託在了安南的後續工作上。然而，各大國彼此間對立態度的緩和，能否成為敘利亞危機的轉捩點呢？

這首先取決於安南下一步的斡旋，能否讓敘利亞對立雙方的立場有所鬆動。就這一點而言，安南使命的艱巨程度要比他的非洲同行、去年前往大馬士革執行評估任務的阿盟觀察團團長蘇丹人達比要大得多。達比的表面使命是對敘利亞局勢做出 評估，實際任務——按照阿盟的意願——當然是找到巴沙爾阿薩德政權的罪證。而這一政治動機必然會轉換為對安南的壓力。達比最終挂冠而去。安南又將如何呢？

28日有消息稱敘政府表示接受安南六點主張。這固然是一積極信號但尚難言敘危局已呈現拐點。一方面敘政府表態是否轉化為實際行動還有待觀察。另一方面敘政府也是將球踢給了反對派，看其是否停火及下一步若談判又究竟怎麼談。而這數日正忙著搞”統一大會”的反對派實則依然各派分裂，還未能發出統一聲音。

當下的敘利亞反對派雖然地面處境比達比履職的時候好不了太多，但政治環境已經有了近乎本質的變化。被阿盟和西方承認的反對派獲得了至關重要的國際“合法性”，根本不會考慮接受任何形式的包含巴沙爾繼續執政至下次總統大選的斡旋方案。而巴沙爾所要的就目前而言，大概也就只剩下這件事情了。 雙方在最本質也是最基礎的分歧上並沒有任何妥協空間。這也就註定了安南不太可能像當年的內維爾張伯倫從慕尼黑回到倫敦一樣手中有一紙協議可供揮舞。再退一步，這紙協定——即使有，恐怕也不會比73年前的那頁紙更加長命。

不需要多久，敘利亞反對派就會迎來一筆又一筆的經濟援助、一批又一批的武器支援，甚至是一隊又一隊的外國顧問和志願者——前者可能來自北約，而後者則可能來自“基地”。 就此而言，安南斡旋成功的前提條件——衝突雙方“同時放下武器”基本上是不可能的，因為在敘利亞並不存在“衝突雙方”，只有“一方”以及反對這“一方”的其他“許多方”。如何才能讓反對派的政治機構説服其軍事組織的成員和政府軍停火？如何能監督林林總總懷著各種目的的武裝人員都停止襲擊政府軍目標？如何能讓敘利亞政府接受一部分武裝組織或武裝組織的一部分與政府軍停火，而同時大馬士革、阿勒頗、霍姆斯不斷遭遇汽車炸彈襲擊？所有這些問題，恐怕安南的答案是無論如何都不可能讓所有大國接受並作為下一步對敘政策的基礎的。

對於西方和阿盟來説，這並不是什麼問題。反正他們已經打定主意要搬走大馬士革的那塊絆腳石，只要小心一點不要在搬運過程中不小心碰壞了薩拉丁陵寢就行了。而對中國和俄羅斯來説，顯然，非常嚴峻而且無從回避的困難局面依然在持續。倘若安南的最終報告和23日譴責巴沙爾政府的聯合國人權理事會決議文本差別不大，中俄要不要改變立場贊同終結敘利亞政權？又或者安南的報告大體上做到了一碗水端平，但可以預料地沒能起到平息暴力的作用，西方在阿盟的支援下以“人道主義干預”的名義或者阿盟自己動手以“地區合法 性”的名義對敘利亞進行武裝干預，中俄要不要尋求對這一挑戰聯合國安理會權威的行為進行反制？那麼，面對如許挑戰，中國又該如何呢？ 堅持原則無論如何應該被置於首位，這不但是為了尊嚴，更是因為對於大國來説，原則以及基於原則産生的可信度，也是至關重要的外交利益，必須維護。圍繞敘利亞局勢的各方間的踢球遊戲及地區、大國博奕遠未結束，中國還需更積極地繼續介入接下來的國際斡旋。

（來源：國際先驅導報 葉海林 本報評論主筆）

敘利亞危機:風向變還是航向變?

在各方支援下,安南一方面重點做西方的工作,並警告説,軍事干預將給中東地區帶去災難性影響;另一方面,安南力勸巴沙爾認清形勢,體現靈活,為此,還引用一句非洲諺語:若不能改變風向,就改變航向吧。然而,下一階段的敘利亞局勢依然複雜多變,引爆危機的導火索遠未拔除,安南的斡旋之路坎坷崎嶇。六點計劃雖得到敘利亞政府的支援,但怎麼落實還存在變數。

外部勢力遠未放棄武裝干預敘利亞內政的企圖,只是在搖擺不定、懸而未決。敘利亞有伊朗的支援,並與以色列毗鄰,一旦軍事干預,極有可能引爆整個地區、將多個國家捲入戰爭。敘利亞反對派乃各自為政,加上“基地”組織等極端勢力趁機渾水摸魚,使敘利亞危機更加錯綜複雜,這讓西方和一些阿拉伯國家很是糾結。美國政府高官也承認,由於情況複雜,對敘利亞實施軍事干預很可能問題沒解決,反 而擴大了危機,對此做法持“深度懷疑”態度。儘管如此,西方仍會加大對敘利亞反對派的支援。有跡象表明,西方正在撮合反對派,敦促他們整合力量。第二次“敘利亞之友”會議4月2日將在土耳其召開。美國決定向反對派提供非作戰性武器,如通信設備等。而反對派得到的支援越多,就越不願回到談判桌前。

政治轉型“敘利亞模式”會出現嗎？

聯合國－阿盟敘利亞危機聯合特使安南將於27日至28日訪華，就敘利亞問題與我方交換意見。目前，敘政局處在十字路口，而安南斡旋使敘出現和平解決曙光。如果敘政局動蕩實現“軟著陸”，中東無疑將開創一種有別以往的政治轉型新模式。

一年多來，中東國家政治轉型已經嘗試了三種模式：一種是當權者被外部武力強行推翻的“利比亞模式”；第二種是當權者在民眾抗議浪潮下黯然下臺的“埃及模式”；第三種是當權者與抗議者達成妥協，實現和平交權的“葉門模式”。從實際效果看，這三種以現行統治者下臺為前提的劇烈政治轉型實際效果並不好，其帶來的成本付出遠大於預期收益。

從經濟角度看，政治動蕩加劇了這些國家的經濟衰退，並可能使其陷入惡性迴圈。據國際貨幣基金組織去年10月公佈的報告，中東劇變給受影響的國家至少造成550億美元經濟損失，其中利比亞和敘利亞受到衝擊最大。從政治角度看，政局動蕩嚴重或強人政治倒臺，導致不少國家出現巨大權力真空，不同程度地出現部族或教派意識抬頭、宗教極端勢力借機壯大、部族間矛盾激化等惡兆。在地區層面，中東劇變導致該地區本就十分脆弱的政治生態平衡被打破，而地區力量失衡又使該地區爆發新戰爭的風險日趨加大。

中東劇變本來是阿拉伯民眾求民主、爭自由、謀發展的自發性正當抗議活動，但激烈的政治轉型，尤其是西方的選擇性武力干預，使“中東變局”日趨變成“中東亂局”，“阿拉伯之春”日趨演變為“阿拉伯之秋”乃至“阿拉伯之冬”。在這種情況下，中東地區民眾當初那種“打倒一切”的政治激情，日趨被一種求穩怕亂的“不折騰”心態所取代。他們不再相信簡單地將現政權推翻就可以萬事大吉，而更願意在體制內通過自上而下的漸進變革來解決現存問題。打個比方，現行政治體制好比一棟房子，它可能因常年無人打掃而積滿灰塵和垃圾，正確做法是認真打掃屋子乃至進行重新裝修，而不是藉口房子太臟，將房子徹底推倒。

專家：敘利亞反對派訴求不一，無法整合

主持人勞春燕：大家晚上好，歡迎收看新聞頻道正在直播的《環球視線》，我是勞春燕。

今天我們首先來説一説敘利亞的局勢。先從敘利亞的反對派説起。敘利亞最大的反對派全國委員會發起了統一大會，但是很多反對派卻根本不買賬，根本不願意來參加這樣的一次統一大會。另一方面，敘利亞境內的戰火仍然沒有平息，霍姆斯的交戰還在繼續。還有一個最新的消息，特使安南正在全球奔走展開和平斡旋。幾個小時之前，安南的發言人剛剛透露，敘利亞政府已 經表示接受安南所提出的六點和平建議了。那麼，敘利亞的態度是不是意味著敘利亞的危局已經來到了真正意義上的轉捩點上了呢？

勞春燕：再來説説反對派吧。剛才杜先生也説到，敘利亞自由軍是最大的一個軍事派別，其實它裏邊是山頭林立。如果從政治派別來看，敘利亞現在反對派更加是山頭林立、派別眾多。在這兩天的時候，敘利亞最大的反對派全國委員會，他在土耳其召開了統一大會，很多反對派根本就參加，這如何理解？

宋曉軍：這是一個預熱會。今天阿盟已經在伊拉克召開阿盟峰會，海灣國家要談這個事，但是伊拉克的外長茲巴裏説，咱們先談金融危機，因為他是伊拉克他不願意太沾敘利亞。另外，4月1日，敘利亞之友的會是預熱會，但是這些反對派它們沒有統一的綱領，沒有一個新社會的藍圖。所謂的革命是有新社會藍圖，有基本的核心政治組織。像埃及，那是穆斯林兄弟會在後邊，1928年就成立了，像突尼西亞實際上也是穆斯林兄弟會的分支，一個伊斯蘭政黨，有非常詳細的規劃，現在訴求是不一樣的，敘利亞內部，它沒法整合。

勞春燕：它的分歧主要是在哪兒呢？因為一開始西方社會，包括敘利亞的全國委員會一再説要整合，要整合。但是從目前的情況來説，非但沒有整合，而且還在不斷地分裂。

宋曉軍：對，主要有幾種。有的希望走人，有的 希望談，有的希望打，還有的説是自己幹，不能讓外國勢力介入，當然還有更深的是怎麼分利？阿薩德採用了一個，我把政治權利怎麼分給你們？比如説石油、股份 這些東西，你們的家族，我怎麼給你分石油、股份，這一套計劃是很完整的，因為他作為一個統治集團，資源資訊他掌握，他知道誰想要什麼？下一步就到5月份的大選之後，看他能不能撐住這很關鍵。

金磚《德里宣言》：對話是解決敘利亞問題唯一途徑

“這是一個先發制人的警告。”法新社昨天所説的“這”，是指印度總理辛格在第四次金磚國家峰會上代表五國領導人傳遞的資訊——“我們相信，對話是解決敘利亞伊朗危機的唯一途徑。”峰會公佈的《德里宣言》甚至明言，“承認伊朗根據國際義務和平利用核能的權利”。“以經濟力量為根基的金磚峰會終於開始展示政治肌肉”，為這一轉變“歡呼”是多家印度媒體昨天報道的主題，西方輿論則對峰會在經濟和政治領域同時開出“非西方藥方”高度關切，盤算著這一‘非西方同盟’未來將在國際事務中獲取多大的影響力。更令西方輿論關注的是，在宣言第21條和第22條，金磚五國明確表達了在敘利亞和伊朗問題上的共同立場。宣言強調製止敘利亞流血衝突只能通過“和平方式解決危機”，金磚國家歡迎聯合國和阿盟聯合特使安南對敘利亞局勢的斡旋。

俄總統：金磚國家不能接受對敘局勢干預

俄羅斯總統梅德韋傑夫29日在金磚國家峰會結束後舉行的記者招待會上表示，金磚國家不能接受對敘利亞局勢的外來干預，金磚國家將促進對話的理順。梅德韋傑夫説：“我們討論了對外政策，特別關注熱點地區的局勢、敘利亞狀況。我們還認為，重要的是不允許外來勢力干涉敘利亞事務，要向政府和反對派提供進行對話的機會，不破壞對話，不談論這種對話從一開始就註定失敗以及只有軍事行動才能理順秩序等，這是最短視、最危險的方法。”他指出，金磚國家“將促使相關對話的成功”。

阿薩德希望金磚國家“作出努力”

據官方的敘利亞通訊社報道，巴沙爾29日在給金磚國家領導人第四次峰會的信中説：“敘利亞已告知安南，敘同意他提出的計劃以及敘利亞對這項計劃的意見。”他呼籲就“這項計劃的細節進行全面磋商”。阿薩德在信中強調，“必須使安南的使命取得成功”，應當著力消除支援反對敘利亞的恐怖主義根源，特別是來自資助和武裝敘利亞恐怖團夥的那些國家的支援。他説，在敘利亞官方承諾致力於使安南使命取得成功的同時，必須從有關方面獲得恐怖武裝團夥停止恐怖行動和撤離其武器的承諾。巴沙爾在信中説，敘利亞決心在較短的時間內開啟由所有各派參加的全國對話，致力於實現全國的安全與穩定，並希望金磚國家為此作出努力。

外媒：阿盟峰會聚焦敘利亞局勢

【法新社巴格達3月29日電】阿拉伯國家領導人今天敦促敘利亞政權結束血腥鎮壓，開始展開對話。與此同時，伊拉克總理馬利基告誡説，為敘利亞敵對陣營提供武器會引發一場“代理人戰爭”。該地區領導人在阿盟峰會上通過了一項決議，呼籲敘利亞政府停止對反對派的鎮壓，要求反對派團結—致，並呼籲衝突各方進行認真對話。該決議呼籲“敘利亞政府和所有反對派別積極執行國際特使安南提出的計劃，開始進行認真的全國對話”。

【英國《阿拉伯耶路撒冷報》3月30日報道】伊拉克總理馬利基昨天警告參加阿盟峰會的領導人們，武裝敘利亞衝突雙方將導致在敘爆發一場地區性甚至國際化的戰爭。馬利基説：“選擇向敘利亞衝突雙方提供武器將導致在敘爆發一場地區性和國際化的戰爭。”“這將為外國軍事干涉敘利亞提供時機，進而破壞一個阿拉伯兄弟國家的主權。”他呼籲在阿盟和聯合國的支援下組建一個敘民族團結政府，為進行自由和公正的選舉做準備。

他還警告説，“基地”組織有遍佈阿拉伯國家的可能。他説，“我們最害怕的是，‘基地’組織在伊拉克失敗後，又在那些出現巨大政治變化的阿拉伯國家建立新巢穴的可能”，“該組織可能正在鑽阿拉伯騷亂浪潮的空子”。

阿盟對敘語氣“變軟” 否認曾要求巴沙爾辭職

據俄新社消息，阿盟首腦會議29日在巴格達舉行。與會阿拉伯國家領導人呼籲敘利亞停止暴力，但並沒有要求敘總統巴沙爾阿薩德辭職或是外國軍事干涉。儘管敘利亞因其阿盟成員資格被暫時中止而沒有參加此次會議，但阿拉伯國家領導人積極展開討論了該國的局勢。阿盟秘書長納比勒阿拉比在會後新聞發佈會上 説：“敘利亞人民必須自己決定本國未來的政治前途。”他表示，阿盟此前的倡議只是呼籲敘總統向副總統移交部分權力，以便與反對派展開對話，而並非要求他放棄全權。阿拉比認為，敘利亞政治進程可能還會持續很長時間，但“流血衝突必須立即停止”。同時，在當天發表的《巴格達宣言》中，阿盟國家領導人表示支援敘利亞人民對於自由、民主以及美好未來的合法追求。宣言譴責了暴力和殘殺，但並未將相關責任加在衝突中的任一方身上。宣言要求通過對話和政治途徑解決危機，反對任何形式的外國干預。

解決敘利亞危機需要現實行動

儘管聯合國和阿盟敘利亞危機聯合特使安南的和平建議帶來一線希望，但是不論從內部因素還是外部環境看，敘利亞局勢進一步惡化的風險並未消除。聯合國秘書長潘基文29日發出警告，目前已經沒有可浪費的時間了，世界等待著敘利亞政府將接受安南和平建議的承諾轉化為行動。敘利亞反對派從西方國家得到的道義和其他方面的支援並未減弱，至今尚未表現出和解的政治意願。對敘利亞政府來説，通過大規模軍事行動肅清反對派武裝的行動空間越來越小，推動政治進程的同時，又不能失去對安全局勢的控制能力。敘利亞政府面臨的壓力顯而易見，甚至可以説是空前的。

眾所週知，《聯合國憲章》宗旨是“維護國際和平及安全”。在聯合國所有章程中，找不到任何關於“政權更替”的文字。聯合國可以制止侵略，但卻不能用武力去更換一個國家的政權。聯合國安理會可以授權採取干預行動，但必須遵守憲章的原則。本世紀初以來，聯合國的使命也面臨新的挑戰。在一些西方國家看來，一國人民處於生命受到嚴重威脅的險境，而該國政府又無力保護其人民時，國際社會有權行使“保護責任”，也就是所謂的人道干預。嚴格地講，這種人道干預的界定現在並不清晰。 廣大發展中國家並不是籠統地反對人道干預，而是擔心一些行使干預權的國家會將“私心雜念”摻雜其中，進而演變成為對主權的干預，使很多歷史遺留下的民族、派別問題更難以解決。此前已有先例表明，一旦安理會授權，有的西方國家就會按照自己的意願去實施干預，進而造成了嚴重的人道主義後果。讓安南的和平建議真正變成政治解決敘利亞危機的轉捩點，需要國際社會強有力的推動。這既是對敘利亞人民前途命運負責，也是國際社會在維護《聯合國憲章》宗旨和基本原則的同時展現行動能力的艱難探索。（來源：人民日報）

日本人的「邊民性格」

與“要麼鼓吹日本可以説不，要麼自貶島國根性”兩個極端解讀日本的角度不同，《日本邊境論》在發現日本國民的性格上獨闢蹊徑

進入三月，當全世界的目光都聚焦在日本一年前的災難與今日的重生時，北京北二環鐵葫蘆咖啡BAR正在進行著一場開放的文化沙龍活動。以日本神戶女子大學教授內田樹的著作《日本邊境論》中文版出版為契機，幾位有著旅日經歷的專家和學者聚在一起探討“日本人眼中的日本人”：那些有著“邊境人”身份的日本人有著怎樣的“邊民性格”。


適應中心，但創造不了中心


“我和內田樹曾在同一個大學任教，他是典型的下放型學者，在寫作過程中，內田説他經常撓墻，因為寫得太複雜，怕讀者讀不懂。但最終這本書達到了兩個目的，一是讀者可以通過這本書了解日本，第二就是解決了如何看待日本文化的問題。”一開場，《日本邊境論》中文序言作者、神戶國際大學教授毛丹青便講述了內田樹寫這本書的幕後故事。

一直以來，公認對日本國民性研究成就最大的， 莫過於美國人類學家魯思本尼迪克特所著的《菊與刀》，它將日本人的矛盾性格亦即日本文化的雙重性，如愛美而黷武、尚禮而好鬥、喜新而頑固、服從而不馴等展露無遺。而自《日本邊境論》2010年出版以來，便有人稱“從此以後我們探討日本的國民性，《日本邊境論》是繞不開的著作”。

現年六十二歲的內田樹在日本文壇絕對算得上 “跨界能人”，他是神戶女子學院的文學教授，主攻法國現代思想，同時身為專業武道家，除了上課習武，更愛就電影、文學、社會話題發表意見。這個有著外部視 野的日本學者，拋開常見的“要麼鼓吹日本可以説不，要麼自貶島國根性”兩個極端解讀日本的角度，獨辟一條擦邊路線，聲稱日本地處“邊境”，其國民因此具有 一種“邊境性格”。

對於邊境，內田樹在書中是這樣定義的：“邊境”是一個與“中華”相對的概念。只有在“華夷秩序”這個宇宙論當中，“邊境”這個概念才有意義。而“華夷秩序”指的是：世界的中心存在著一位“中華皇帝”、“王化”之光從那裏開始普照八方。從“華夷秩序”的等級來看，日本列島應該處於東夷中最偏遠之地，一個“王化”之光很難普照到的地方。在他看來，日本人一直把中華文明與歐洲文明當做中心，而從始至終總是退至邊境的。日本人能夠拼命地適應中心的想法，但從來就創造不了中心，這是一個宿命。


對於日本“邊境人”，研究日本歷史文化多年的學者李冬君感覺，“就像一個浪人流浪在大海上，具有類似于棄兒的心態。因此天生就有危機感，不由自主地想與大陸靠近。先是中國，後是歐洲，這是日本先後靠近的兩個文化中心。”


“邊民性格”：掃除還是堅持？


也許是身為“邊境人”，一種對自我歸屬的強烈渴求促使日本人不曾停止追問：日本是什麼？日本人是什麼？

內田樹在《日本邊境論》中明確指出，“邊民性格”已經深刻地寫入了日本列島居民的民族同一性中。這種民族同一性的特徵就是對“從起源處就落後於人”、“自己不具有從零開始創造制度的能力”這種無能的自覺。

細究來説，比如日本人有民族自尊心，卻又常常被文化上的劣等感所糾纏；遇到比自己強大的對手時，便會展示出毫無顧慮的親密或者説毫無防備的心；“當面服從，背後不服”是日本人擅長的本領之一，也是獨一無二的生存戰略；時至今日，“假裝不了解對方所採取的規則，只要有實惠可撈”依然是日本人不斷使用的傳統外交戰略……從日本的歷史人物到當代思想家，從影視劇作到知名漫畫，從日常生活到武士道，內田樹將這種“邊民性格”剖析得淋漓盡致。

這種“邊民性格”為日本帶來了什麼？在內田樹看來，邊境人的極限就是“可以遵照世界標準説話做事，但卻不會為世界標準進行新的設定”。現實中日本人也一直在追趕世界標準，芬蘭的教育制度優秀就學習芬蘭，法國的少子化成功就跟著實施，巴西的足球很強大也跟著模倣……日本人就這樣總是習慣從外部尋找“保證人”來為自己的“正確性”提供“保證”，所以有專家指出，“在日本，不斷的重復就是創造”。

內田樹聲稱這本書的目的在於對日本民族怪習的 “矯正”，用他本人的直白比喻就是掃除。“不從腳邊的垃圾拾起，就沒法開始整頓混亂。”但他對於改變日本“邊境人”的思維方式又有些悲觀，有時甚至覺得不如邊境到底吧！“與其讓日本成為‘普通’的國家而白白浪費精力，倒不如去思考一下只有如此奇怪的國家的國民才能做成的事情是什麼”。(《國際先驅導報》 記者 陳娟)


中國網 china.com.cn
時間： 2012-04-05 19:20
文章來源: 新華網
責任編輯: 羅琪

Your Child

                


           You said everyone has a child
           You said your child help you a lot
           He makes you carefree when you are worried
           He makes you innocent when you ask Allah for help
           He makes you sincere when you are with friend like me
           He makes you creative when you saw some Allah creation like me

           A Muslim is the mirror of other Muslim
           We are nothing but each other's reminder
           For the past, for the present, for the future

超越/ beyond

超越(beyond)這個概念，或者說承認一個更高的決定，
並不只是或主要是關於超越性的(transcendent)的——
至少不是一般理解的超越性。
它無關乎於高於或低於的問題，
它意謂的是生活中一種突破的可能性，
以及去尋求突破的企圖以及努力。
而沒有移動的生活，沒有超越於自我與物質的生活，
一種沒有做出自我保存以外決定的生活，
在我而言，是一種無法過下去的生活，哪怕超越和決定是出於一種象徵的方式。


When we try to define “beyond”, we may say it is something like a higher decision,
It’s not about transcendency, it is beyond the general understanding, no higher or lower.
It refers to the possibility to seek a breakthrough in life as well as the attempt and effort to break through.
 An unmovable life is never a choice of my own, without going beyond myself and material civilization,
even though it is just realized in an symbolic way.

Malalai Joya: I do not sit silent. I am a woman.

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Why my life is in danger, why they want to eliminate me?
I am not criminal, I am not puppet. I am telling the truth.
I stand up against their brutalities and crimes.
I do not sit silent.
I am a woman.

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In 2010, Time magazine called her one of the world's 100 most influential people and Foreign Policy magazine listed her among its Top Global Thinkers. But to many she is simply "the bravest woman in Afghanistan". Author and human rights campaigner Malalai Joya has been one of the fiercest critics of the Afghan government and the foreign occupation of her country and the latest attempt on her life was just last month. In 2005 she become the youngest person to be elected to the new Afghan parliament but she was dismissed two years later for continuing to criticise the warlords and drug barons she accuses of destroying her country. And while she acknowledges some gains for women in Afghanistan since the ousting of the Taliban in 2001 she is a determined critic of the US-led military intervention.



ELEANOR HALL: Malalai Joya is in Australia this week and will be speaking at Melbourne University this Easter weekend. She joined me this morning from our Melbourne studio. Malalai Joya, this is the sixth attack that you've survived. Are you afraid that these will continue and that one day they will kill you?

MALALAI JOYA: 

Maybe they will be able as they are killing everyday innocent people of my country and this 10 years of occupation tens of thousands of innocent civilians have been killed by occupation forces and terrorist groups and most of the women and children are not bitter at them. I'm working for their rights, I'm working for my people and for my country. One day if they will be able to eliminate me but I am sure there is many Malalais who will follow this path for justice, for peace and democracy, for woman rights, human rights and against occupation.

ELEANOR HALL:  And in order to escape this you not only move houses and have body guards but you also wear a burqa?

MALALAI JOYA: 

Yeah, this disgusting burqa I believe is a symbol of oppression today give life and safety to millions of women especially in the far provinces not only for me, to give safety to activist woman. I wish that one day that all women will not wear a burqa but now the standards of occupation and the decades of war, women they are the most and first victims. It is not comfortable but when you compare what they did, you for the good cause, for the good reason to bring woman rights, humans rights, values like democracy, you have to wear this. When you compare all these problems with the burqa, burqa is nothing, even usual in this kind of disaster situation.

ELEANOR HALL: Indeed. Malalai Joya, you've been calling for the foreign forces to leave your country for years now. Now they are leaving how do you think it will change things for the people of Afghanistan?

MALALAI JOYA: 

I want to say that they are talking and saying publicly to their people and also through media that they will leave Afghanistan by middle of 2014. It is a big lie and from another hand they are talking about US permanent military bases in Afghanistan. If they leave Afghanistan as in the Taliban time we faced one enemy was Taliban but these 10 years of occupation we've faced three enemies - war lords, Taliban and occupation forces and one big evil the occupation will get lost if really honestly they leave Afghanistan.

We wished it was not military invasion, it was invasion of the schools, (inaudible) hospital but unfortunately the government is a puppet, corrupt mafia are government, mafia regime that over $65 billion of the foreign aid that corrupt regime have been received. Most of this money has been went into pocked of the war lords even indirectly to the Taliban and has been looted by national and international corrupt NGOs. Tens of thousands of innocent civilians have been killed by occupation forces.

ELEANOR HALL: Certainly that shooting rampage by a US soldier in a village and indeed the US soldiers burning the Koran can't be helping in terms of making the public feel happy about the US presence there, but what do you say to those that say that if the military withdraw, it will mean civil war?

MALALAI JOYA:

Yeah, my answer to those who raise this propaganda or has been deceived, have been deceived by this propaganda, I want to tell them that today itself is a civil war, the future civil war if they are going if the troops leave will not be more dangerous than this civil war.

ELEANOR HALL: Clearly the situation in Afghanistan is still terrible for women but surely this is not worse than it was under the Taliban before 2001?

MALALAI JOYA:

In many provinces at some point when you compare even worse but let's say not regarding to compare like one terrorist with another terrorist, both is terrorist, both is misogynist, the war lord and Taliban.

ELEANOR HALL: Let me put something to you that the US secretary of state Hillary Clinton said just a couple of weeks ago.

MALALAI JOYA: Yes.

ELEANOR HALL: She said that there were big achievements for Afghan women. She said in 2001 life expectancy for women in Afghanistan was just 44 years of age, now it is 62. She said back then almost no girls went to school, today 3 million do and that they make up nearly 40 per cent of all the primary school enrolments, that there are 120,000 Afghan girls graduated from high school, 15,000 enrolled in universities. These are real improvements for millions of Afghan girls, aren't they, or is Hillary Clinton wrong?

MALALAI JOYA:

War of Afghanistan is not only military war. This is propaganda war too. Through their mainstream media they are putting dust in the eyes of the people around the world. It is true that some women have access to job and education as you mention now but when you compare that small positive things they did in Afghanistan with the negative, with the shocking news, with the terrible life that woman they have, inhuman life that they have and these violence is day by day increasing more and more, is like a drop in the ocean and imagine if the troops honestly leave, the Taliban and war lords will not receive more dollars, will not get more powerful.

As much as they get more powerful, it is more easier for them to eliminate democratically minded people of my country. Why my life is in danger, why they want to eliminate me? I am not criminal, I am not puppet. I am telling the truth. I stand up against their brutalities and crimes. I do not sit silent. I am a woman.

ELEANOR HALL: Malalai Joya, thanks very much for joining us.

MALALAI JOYA:

Thank you, thanks for the interview.

ELEANOR HALL: And that is former Afghan MP Malalai Joya. She is in Melbourne this week and you can hear her speak at Melbourne University and you can listen to a longer version of that interview of our website.


Source: The World Today: Malalai Joya

Malalai Joya: Foreign troops must leave

Malalai Joya, a former MP and one of Afghanistan’s best-known democratic leaders, recently survived the sixth attempt on her life. Taliban gunmen attacked her office at 3 am on March 10, wounding two of her guards. In an exclusive interview, she told Green Left Weekly’s Pip Hinman that “such terrorist acts will never stop my fight for freedom, democracy and justice”.

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The US says it will start withdrawing its troops by the end of 2012. The Australian government is refusing to specify a date, saying there is a lot of “training” of Afghan soldiers still needed. What is your response?

Australia’s policy is to find an excuse to service the United States. The Afghan national army and police haven’t been created to look after the welfare of our people. They are being trained to be the cannon fodder so that the occupiers’ causalities decrease. 

Furthermore, the army and police units mostly consist of criminal bands connected to the warlords in government including Yunus Qanuni; Haji Almas, Amrullah Saleh, Atta Muhammad Nur, Abdul Rusal Sayyaf, Mohammad Mohaqiq, Karim Khalili, Fahim, Abdul Rashid Dustom and Abdullah Abdullah.
There are hundreds of security companies connected to these criminals. The government claims to be closing them down, but very few are. A real national army and police need to be independent of these corrupt elements.

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Since US soldiers’ were caught burning the Koran, the Afghan protests demanding the US-NATO forces leave have become a lot more visible in the West. To what extent do these protests represent the views of ordinary Afghans?

These protests have been strong for some time. They continue but the national security agency of Afghanistan, KHAD, is doing all it can to try and stop them. Even so, many people take great risks — including jail and being tortured to death — to continue the public demonstrations against the occupiers.

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Is the democratic movement growing stronger?

Afghanistan is one of the most oppressed, devastated, closed and poorest nations in the world. You could say the US and its allies chose a good time to occupy. From the ruthless Soviet occupation, followed by the horrific war of the fundamentalist Jihadis and the cruel rule of the Taliban, we are a very tired nation. Thirty years of war has trampled our energy to resistance, to hope and to struggle. 

The democratic movements do have to reorganise and strengthen themselves, otherwise the democratic anti-occupation and anti-fundamentalist uprisings will remain spontaneous and therefore more easily suppressed by the government.

But there is also hope. As Belquis Roshan, the only MP to raise her voice against the fundamentalists, said: “People have a lot of hatred for the foreign troops and these protests will finally become an armed struggle against the foreign occupiers and the local criminals who have collaborated with them.”

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With the US under pressure from global opposition to the war in Afghanistan, it is now pushing the Hamid Karzai government to make a deal with the Taliban. Is such a deal likely and what will this mean for ordinary Afghans?

Of course — and this isn’t a new development. Former Taliban figures such as Mullah Zaeef, Mullah Rakiti, Maulvi Wakeel and Ahmad Motawakil helped create this regime in 2001. Members of the criminal Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s party also have seats as so-called technocrats, ministers, ambassadors, governors and commanders. This hasn’t stopped them committing crimes against our people.

Karzai is the main negotiator between the US and Taliban. To make the latter happy, he is supporting a bunch of misogynist Ulemas, so-called religious scholars, to pass a code that includes preventing women from walking on the streets without a male companion.

These same reactionaries have just announced that Nawroz is prohibited. Yet the New Year festival, one of the oldest celebrated, is part of our nation’s culture. 

There is an Afghan proverb that, roughly translated, asks: “Is there something blacker than black?”
Afghans answer, “Yes, and that is the unity of Taliban, Jihadis and the agents of Iran and Pakistan led by the US occupiers”. They know it will bring even more grief, poverty and destruction.

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What will this mean for women's rights?
 
Women have been the prime victims — subjected to extreme kinds of violence — during the 30 years of war.
Today, a Taliban-like jungle law, including the public flogging of women, stoning to death, public strangulation and execution, is still carried out in many provinces. But one day women will rise up and become a determining force.

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What are the political alternatives?
 
First, the foreign troops should leave Afghanistan immediately. The US occupiers have made life hell by massacring innocent civilians and supporting this brutal regime of warlords and fundamentalists. 

History shows that nations liberate themselves. Democracy and justice can’t be imposed by a foreign power — especially by the US with its history of overthrowing democratic regimes and imposing dictators and murderers on countless nations since World War II. 

The Karzai regime has to be uprooted and the criminals of the past 30 years must be brought to justice for their unforgivable crimes. Only independent, democratic and pro-women’s rights forces can bring peace and liberation, and this will only be possible through our own struggles.

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Despite widespread opposition to the war, there is still a chorus in the West who argue that women's rights have improved. Is this true?

No. Afghanistan is the worst place in the whole world to become a mother. In 2011, 50 women died every day while giving birth.

Recently, a 22-year-old girl from Ghor province was hanged after having been a victim of domestic violence. An 18-year-old teacher in Baghlan province was gang-raped by armed men.

Two small girls, one of who was six years old, and a woman were raped by local commanders in Takhar province. A man axed his wife to death by chopping off her fingers and toes. Fifteen-year-old Sadat, a newlywed, committed self-immolation to escape her misery. 

This is just the tip of the iceberg: such crimes are increasing. But because the media is owned by misogynist criminals who kill, kidnap or threaten journalists who report on such atrocities, the facts are not reported.
There is the story of 15-year-old Sahar Gul, who was cruelly tortured by her husband. He locked her up in a windowless room and used pliers to pull out her nails, clumps of her hair and big chunks of her flesh.

Twenty-one-year-old Gulnaz was raped by a relative and, when she complained, was accused of adultery and sentenced to 12 years’ jail. The rapist was sentenced to just three years.

Gulnaz gave birth in prison and when a foreign journalist publicised her case, the court told her she could be freed in three years if she married her rapist. The case went public and Karzai intervened to get her released. Meanwhile, thousands of other women in similar situations suffer in Afghan jails.

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The Pakistani military has close ties with both the US and the Taliban. What do you think of the Pakistani military’s role in the war in Afghanistan? 

The close ties between the Pakistan military and the US is an open secret. But elements in the Pakistani military are more under the influence of Pakistani fundamentalists and they want to destroy the father-son connection between it and the US. Neither situation is good for freedom-loving Pakistanis.

Zia-ul-Haq, one of Pakistan’s dictators, once said that Bangladesh’s separation from Pakistan was a blessing because when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, Pakistan received a lot of US support. More than 50% of CIA funding went to the Afghan mujahideen through the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). This is how Pakistan managed to make the mujahideen its hired hand.

Zia-ul-Haq also encouraged the brutal Jamaat-i-Islami — a party that became the godfather of these criminals.
The ISI and Jamaat-i-Islami have these criminals in their pockets and after [former Afghan president] 
Mohammad Najibullah’s downfall in 1992, these criminals came to power in Afghanistan. After four years of not being able to form a government, Pakistan was forced to bring in its other lackeys — the Taliban. 

Although Pakistan government sometimes has disagreements with its lackeys, the connection to the Taliban remains strong. Pakistan failed to keep the Jihadis united and it is careful not to repeat the same mistake with the Taliban. It is determined to keep their devoted agents and maintain their interests in Afghanistan.

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Last December you took part in a conference of progressive parties from Afghanistan and Pakistan. What’s the level of collaboration?

Both countries are ruled by reactionary and anti-people governments. To expand our democratic rights, independent and anti-fundamentalist alliances need to be set up.

We have a Farsi proverb that says: “Better is a neighbor who is near than a brother who is far away.” Forming a sort of progressive South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, which includes Iran, would help. 

It’s also our duty to expose the brutal Iranian regime, which while pretending to be “anti-imperialist” commits unimaginable crimes against its own people.

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To what extent are Afghans inspired by the “Arab Spring” revolts?
 
The “Arab Spring” revolts are synonymous with breaking the chains of fascism and overthrowing dictatorships. But reactionaries, such as Abdullah Abdullah, Amrullah Saleh, Qanooni, have polluted its meaning by saying that Afghanistan will also rise up like the Egyptians.

A true Arab Spring for Afghans will come only when people rise against all the criminals, including these ones, and force them to face justice for their crimes. 

Although Hosni Mubarak was overthrown in Egypt, his regime has not been annihilated. Meanwhile, the US installed its puppet. So the Egyptian people must continue their struggle against this traitor government. 

Muhammad Qaddafi, the anti-people dictator in Libya, should have been overthrown by the Libyans themselves and not by foreign invaders.

The US is also trying to sabotage the revolution by freedom-loving and democracy-seeking Syrians. It wants to install a puppet government to drag Syria back to the Middle Ages — just as it did in Iraq and Libya. Bashar Assad is a dictator and needs to be overthrown — but by the Syrian people’s initiative, not an invasion from the US, Saudi Arabia or Turkey. 

Syria’s revolution is taking longer to be victorious because the US and Saudi Arabia — the new “human rights” champions — are meddling. In addition, Britain and France have their own plans and traitor agents in Syria.
The Gulbuddini terrorists [mercenary militias of the warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who went to fight in Bosnia and Azerbaijan], Jihadi criminals and Taliban killers have been mobilised to lead terrorist operations against the Assad regime. The Syrian people are aware of the treacherous crimes by these foreigners, and so are forced to support Assad. 

One of the reasons the Arab Spring revolts were left incomplete comes down to a lack of organisation — without which revolution is not possible. The revolts came about through conscious grassroots movements: they will rise again to uproot these regimes.

The Arab uprisings are inspirational — but at this stage we can only dream of making a “Tahrir Square” in Kabul. Afghans need to learn from others so that our struggle is not defeated.

Source: http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/50495